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Lobo’s primary
objective in the book is to look at the impact that these
processes have on Christians in India. Though they constitute a
very small proportion (around 2 percent) of the Indian
population, their involvement with voluntary service has been
significant. They provide nearly one-fourth of all such service
in India. Apart from a large network of educational
institutions, they also run hospitals and homes for the elderly
and disabled. Though beneficiaries of their work come from all
castes, creeds and cults, the Christian missionaries have worked
most relentlessly among the tribal communities. Thanks to their
work, some of the tribal communities such as those in Gujarat,
have experienced some upward social mobility. Coupled with
related processes of democratisation, tribals have become quite
aware of their "rights". They are no longer willing to
"be hoodwinked, cheated or alienated from their lands as
easily as before". The losers are obviously the
traditionally dominant groups. It is in this context that we
ought to understand the growing incidence of violence against
Christians, Lobo argues. In order to reinforce their domination,
these erstwhile dominant sections use the anxiety generated by
globalisation to mobilise religious sentiments against
minorities. The only way to beat the missionaries is by using
the conversion stick.
While the dominant
Hindutva forces attack Christian missionaries, they are not
willing to reform Hinduism. In fact, Lobo asserts that in most
cases those among the tribals and dalits who have moved to
Christianity have done so not merely because of the lure of the
missionary but also due to the push of the hierarchical
structure of the Hindu society. In its given social structure,
it is difficult for Hindu society to integrate tribals. For
example, what position will they be assigned in the traditional
caste order?
Lobo is also
critical of the Christian churches for their apolitical
approach. Christian activists need to identify their enemies and
friends and they can no longer avoid politics, he maintains.
They ought to align with other minority groups and identify with
the politics of lower castes. The Christian churches should also
review critically the predominantly middle class orientation of
their educational activities. The urban middle classes send
their children to convent schools run by the Churches not
because they want their children to learn Christian values but
solely because of the quality of their teaching, particularly
the English language, which helps the children make successful
careers.
Church activists
also need to get out of the old paternalistic attitude towards
the poor and move to "a participatory approach" where
individuals and communities are made to get involved as equal
partners in the processes of deciding what is good for them.
Such an approach is empowering, democratic and inclusive. Making
people participate also requires sensitivity to local cultures.
Most importantly such an approach will go along way in
strengthening democracy at the grassroots level. The chances of
extremist ideologies, such as Hindutva, gaining foothold in a
democratic setting are much lesser than they are in a
hierarchically divided and unjust society. Lobo’ s book is not
a conventional sociological study of the processes of
globalisation or the rise of Hindutva politics. He is not
interested in identifying socio-economic or psycho-cultural
factors that have given spurt to such politics in contemporary
India. His is a passionate argument and appeal against the
Hindutva politics/ideology and West-centric globalisation.
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