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Sunday, April 6, 2003
Lead Article

Critique of dreams and discourse: The rhetoric of George Bush
Darshan Singh Maini

THERE is no doubt in the non-partisan minds that this particular misadventure by Bush and his rapid abettors in the Administration is easily one of the most unreasonable, unjust and unwarranted wars in American history excepting, of course, the Vietnam War whose massive trauma is still not quite dissipated. The President and his commanders are keen to start and end the dirty war in a matter of days, if possible. However, the war plans drawn up in the Pentagon throughout this winter have suddenly sprung a disturbing leak. The failure of diplomacy apart, and the Administration’s almost total isolation in this regard, the failure of the Turkish Parliament to allow American troops and weaponry the use of their ground territory for a planned invasion from the North along with the one from the southern side (Kuwait) has cast a huge shadow over the American blueprints — and proceedings. The pincer advance already seems stymied. Which only means a more prolonged war, more and more Iraqi civilian and military casualties, and, what is more disquieting, more and more American soldiers and marines in star-spangled, draped coffins. It’s a prospect too grim and too unthinkable to let Bush and Co sleep in peace.

 


There are so many contradictions in the American pronouncements that one finds a bewildering and complex scenario on one’s hands. For instance, there’s not only a disturbingly sizable revolt in the USA itself with millions of protesters carrying anti-war placards, but also massive rallies against those governments that have, for one reason or another, decided to toe the American imperialist line. Take the example of Australia, where a deeply conservative government is on one side of the line and its people (over 70 per cent in an opinion poll) on the other. Such too is the case in Great Britain, in South Korea and in countries like Pakistan and the Arab kingdoms and sheikhdoms where the divide between the rulers and the ruled is alarmingly transparent. The Arab monarchs would not, of course, let even a hint of the simmering anger come out in the open, but they know that the Islamic nations all across the globe regard the invasion of Iraq as a direct, frontal attack on Islam. What’s again clear to all but American stooges is that the link between Saddam and bin Laden’s terrorist outfit is imaginary. It means only bending facts to suit one’s imagination and convenience. No one can really hold any brief for Saddam’s cruel, ruthless dictatorship but it may not be forgotten that his Iraq is the only Arab country run by a putatively Socialist Bath Party. What’s clear, in other words, is the visible disjunction between the governments and its peoples even in times of crisis and war.

There is at least one more crucial point in our ensuing argument: the uncovering of American democratic credentials. We all know and admire the kind of freedoms in the type of open democracy that America has evolved amidst a dark slave-owing past and other cruelties in its pursuit of an affluent society. But from the beginning, this democratic sentiment has remained confined to its own borders. Outside, name any fascist, authoritarian or tyrannical state which has not been set up, financed and sustained by the American imperialists. The client states, the Latin American dictatorships and the African and Asian monster regimes—where there’s nothing like human rights—have all been eating out of Uncle Sam’s hand. Its democratic credentials lose their validity the moment its frontiers are left behind.

Why I’ve taken such a route to finally close with George Bush’s rhetoric and its delinquencies is a question that certainly needs to be addressed. For, as I hope to show, there is an organic, constitutive link between language, thought, design and deed. What Bush and his courtiers are doing today is not a fortuitous occurrence, a "quirk" in their conduct. There are at once Freudian, lexical and socio-historical reasons that drive the White House and the Pentagon (with the massive support of their monolithic corporations and cartels) towards their perceived goals. The dialectics of their dream — not the Mayflower dream of their pioneering forefathers with their Edenic airs — are pitilessly rigorous. The umbilical link between American Protestantism and a rampaging, ravaging raw capitalism was, in fact, the theme of Buber’s celebrated thesis in The Protestant, Ethic (1904), and American polity and economic imperialism have run true to form.

The elements that go, then, into the matrix of George Bush’s rhetoric in general, go back homing to the American past. Let me now come to define the concept of rhetoric per se, for the expression has often been misused and misunderstood. Those familiar with the new linguistic theories know how the choice of words or phrases constitutes a syndrome of syntactical preferences, psychic or even pathological pressures, sociological urges, metaphysical assumptions etc.

Rhetoric was an honoured discipline in medieval Europe. Basically, rhetoric implies the power of persuasion. In other words, when the temperature of a language is raised through skilful devices of speech, the heightened idiom increases its appeal, its effectiveness. In a great writer’s hands such as Shakespeare’s or Faulkner’s rhetoric can become visionary, epiphanic. At the same time, in weaker hands, it can at once degenerate and become a simulated, fake instrument of expression. That’s why "purple prose" is often held up to ridicule. For its base is not authenticity or sincerity, but duplicity, evasion and prevarication.

And thus to George Bush. I started examining both his prepared and off-the-cuff speeches delivered during his presidential campaign. In an article, I had compared the language and personality of Bush with those of the Democratic contender, Al Gore. The former, as I concluded, had a chilly, forbidding, prickly personality, and a corresponding rhetoric of old Biblical stereotyped phrases, evangelical, pupil-sermonising overtones and self-righteous, smug assumptions. Al Gore, was by comparison open warm-hearted and effusive; his language direct, witty and fresh. Looked at from another angle, while Bush emerged as a pessimist and a cynic, Al Gore exuded a sense of ease and optimism.

And these traits are to be found structured in Bush’s recent "State of the Nation" Address as in his speech delivered at the hastily summoned meeting with the British and Spanish prime ministers on a small Portuguese island in mid-Atlantic — the speech which announced the doom of Saddam Hussein. The keen TV watchers must have noticed that there was a tone of anxiety, distress and fatigue in his ‘historic’ speech, whilst "the State of Nation" address before the American Congress had his typical tricks of word and style as well as the familiar Biblical accents. He was then riding a high horse, and a medieval knight’s airs, for he thought he held the world in his two presidential hands. The earlier phrases — "the Evil Axis", "the Terrorist Empire" etc. were absent this time. An uncertain, deserted warrior could not summon the required energies to do the job. A lonely man, George Bush is, morally, down and out. And his expected victory would rightly be considered pyrrhic.

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