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Wednesday,
May 2, 2001, Chandigarh, India   |
Unwed “widows” scam Fresh signals from Kashmir Enron: is it end game? |
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A close look at the Boraibari fiasco
Turning tables on mantriji
Hurriyat pawn on Kashmir chessboard Ultras bend as Naga tribes back peace process
To travel to Mars, you do not need a space rocket or a space suit. You need a car and a good map. You ascend almost vertically from the middle Rhone valley. You skim the beautiful ridge-tops of the northern Ardeche.
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Unwed “widows” scam IF
flight is proof of guilt, the Punjab Minister for Social Security, Development and Welfare of Women and Children cannot escape responsibility for what may turn out to be a Rs 166.67 crore scam. Even if he is not directly involved in the racket of payment of money to bogus pensioners, senior citizens and widows by officials of his ministry, he should own moral responsibility and resign. But Mr Gobind Singh Kanjhla is not likely to own responsibility. Instead, he will do what most ministers in a similar situation do. Order an enquiry for fixing responsibility. It goes without saying that the “guilty” persons will be punished. But will the guilty persons ever be identified? The dimensions of the scam suggest the culpability of those in high positions. Junior-level functionaries, without the promise of protection by their seniors, would not have shown the audacity to rope in unmarried girls and some married women for putting their signatures in the book meant for keeping the account of the money sanctioned for widows. The fake widows, of course, got to keep only part of the amount. The rest was pocketed by the clerks, who presumably had to share the booty with their senior officers. The pension scheme for senior citizens was turned into a “personal benefit” scheme by the officials concerned. It is not that Mr Kanjhla was not aware of the goings-on in the departments under his ministerial care. He knew that anger was building up among the genuine beneficiaries of the schemes for widows, senior citizens and other categories of pensioners. That is the reason why he did not turn up at a meeting for hearing their grievances. He had the meeting “preponed” by a day to avoid answering uncomfortable questions from those who had not received any money from the social welfare department since 1999. Under the various welfare schemes about 10 lakh persons were to get financial assistance from the state government under different heads. However, only the politically well-connected can be counted among the genuine beneficiaries of the schemes. The rest of the money was disbursed only on paper. Reports from most district headquarters about the working of welfare schemes are not very encouraging either. In this context, the silence of Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal is both intriguing and unwarranted. |
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Fresh signals from Kashmir JAMMU
and Kashmir Democratic Freedom Party chief Shabir Shah has over the years perfected the art of appearing to be different though in reality there is very little to distinguish between him and the other separatists — the members of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference. While agreeing to positively respond to the Centre’s initiative for talks, he has raised the points which the Hurriyat as a conglomerate of separatist groups too has done but refused the offer of Mr K. C. Pant for negotiations. In fact, many of the 23 Hurriyat constituents have admitted that they are not per se opposed to holding parleys, but they want the government to modify its stand on the subject. They as well as Mr Shabir Shah stand for what they call “tripartite talks” with Pakistan as a participant, ignoring the aspirations of the Pandits, Shias, Sikhs, Buddhists, Gujjars, etc. India has to keep in view the interests of all sections in Jammu and Kashmir while trying to establish peace in the valley. There is no question of declaring any section as “redundant elements”, as Mr Shah unjustifiably wishes. It is for the Centre to decide who are the “genuine representatives” of the people of the state. Then why this pointless insistence on making Pakistan a party to the talks? Even Mr Shabir Shah has the audacity to insist on “tripartite” talks, saying that “bilateralism will be a futile exercise”. If he and the Hurriyat leaders are serious about protecting the interests of the people they claim to represent, they should argue their case and not that of Pakistan. Functioning as the puppets of Islamabad will not take them anywhere. Pakistan’s military regime has its own gameplan. Instead of contributing to India’s initiative for finding a peaceful solution to the Kashmir crisis, it will prefer to add fuel to the fire as a spurt in the activities of terrorists suits the designs of the ruling General in Pakistan. He has failed to deliver the goods on all fronts, and is under tremendous pressure from various quarters, including the judiciary and politicians, to leave governance to those supposed to be doing this job. As one report has it, even the very survival of Pakistan depends on how effectively it uses its puppet organisations, including the militant outfits aided and abetted by the ISI, to keep the Kashmir pot boiling. Thus any group in Kashmir which refuses to cooperate with the Central government in its attempt to contain terrorist violence and restore normalcy will be helping the cause of Pakistan. The continuing atmosphere of unrest and distrust cannot be in the interest of the people of the valley. Hurriyat leaders will have to choose between the interests of the Kashmiris and those of Pakistan. They must not forget that the two are not the same thing. |
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Enron: is it end game? THERE
were several conflicting signals on Monday regarding the future of Enron. The state government softened its tough-talking and set up a five-man committee to renegotiate with the company on two points: pricing of power and drawing it. These are very thorny issues and both sides have taken a rigid stand and also unilateral action. IDBI, the premier lending agency to old and new projects, sent an SOS to the Centre to clear the December bill for Rs 104 crore; otherwise the company may declare itself bankrupt and refuse to repay its huge loan. This fear acquired an edge when news came that the Dhabol Power Company (DPC) had sacked over 2,500 workers. Many felt that it was the first step in winding up the whole show and demand the contractual compensation from the Centre amounting to more than Rs 2800 crore. DPC explained that the second phase had been completed rendering these construction workers redundant. The picture became complicated when Reliance virtually threatened to mothball its Patalganga power project unless the Enron muddle ended amicably. It is another private sector power project as is the Ispat group’s Bhadravati one. Both have entered into a power purchase agreement (PPA) and could face the same problems with the same state government. On the day the government named the Godbole committee to reach an agreement with Enron, the company dropped hints that it was interested in producing power and was ready for a close review of the agreement. It has obviously realised that its brinkmanship is not working and it was time to change tack. The US-based company has already pulled out of power generation and the feeling is that it would run DPC as a momento. Also its lenders want it that way, although the board of directors set down militant terms. That makes the task of the renegotiation panel somewhat easy. It would want Enron to delink the natural gas facility at Dhabol from the generation part. This would erase $ 500 million from the cost and help lower the tariff. Another idea is to persuade the company to find other buyers for its power. Both will require amendments in the original contract. Once the way is open for major changes, a few minor ones can be gently inserted to remove the severe tilt in the contract in favour of Enron. There is a lot to be learnt from this experience and one is that the country should build up expertise in tough negotiation. |
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A close look at the Boraibari fiasco “Intelligence failure” is a term that is regularly used by our rulers whenever the nation is taken by surprise by developments on our borders. But it is gratifying that when Mr Jaswant Singh narrated the events leading to the massacre and mutilation of the members of what was described as a BSF party on “aggressive patrolling” along the Indo-Bangladesh border”, he ruled out the misadventure as having occurred because of “intelligence failure”. The BSF party was taken by surprise and overpowered in the early hours of the morning of April 18 when it was at Boraibari, a village under the “adverse possession” of Bangladesh. The BSF patrol had been sent to Baraibari to retaliate against an attack by units of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) in Pyriduwah village in Meghalaya that is in the “adverse possession” of India. The BDR had surrounded a BSF post in Pyriduwah and forcibly evicted the villagers on the morning of April 16. It is important that one has a clear idea about what exactly terms like “adverse possession” mean when analysing these developments. India and Bangladesh share a 4096 km land border that has never been fully demarcated. But, realising that an
undemorcated and unsettled land border is a sure recipe for continuing tension, Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman showed vision and statesmanship and signed a historic agreement in May, 1974, laying down precise guidelines on how the border should be demarcated. It is in keeping with the letter and spirit of this agreement that around 4090 km of the border has been subsequently demarcated. Barely 6.5 km still remains to be demarcated. In the meantime, some villages that are on the Bangladesh side of the border like Pyirduwah remain in India’s possession and some Indian villages like Boraibari remain in the possession of Bangladesh. It is precisely such villages that are said to be in “adverse possession”. The 1974 agreement clearly specifies that there should be no disturbance in the status quo in such “adverse possessions”. Bangladesh has alleged that we had disturbed the status quo in Pyirduwah by constructing a road there. India has not refuted this allegation. But even if such a road was under construction, it certainly did not justify the military intervention in the village by Bangladesh or the eviction of its inhabitants by the BDR. Apart from the issue of “adverse possession,” the 1974 Indira-Mujib agreement also requires India to return around 111 enclaves in its possession to Bangladesh. In return India is to get 51 enclaves from Bangladesh. India was also required to lease a small corridor of land near “Tin Bigha” to Bangladesh. It took India 18 years to effect this lease when the Narasimha Rao government did so in 1992. While it is Bangladesh that has continuously been alleging, with some justification, that India had been going slow on the demarcation of the border, the shoe has really been on the other foot during the past 18 months or so. Despite repeated efforts by South Block for Foreign Secretary-level talks to sort out border issues, former Bangladesh Foreign Secretary Shafi Sami seemed totally disinterested in an early dialogue. When the talks were held in December, 2000, New Delhi urged the setting up of a Joint Working Group on border issues and even readily agreed to a somewhat illogical counter-proposal for two such groups from the Bangladesh side. By February this year New Delhi had sent Dhaka the terms of reference for the functioning of the Working Groups. Even as it was awaiting a reply, the BDR struck at Pyriduwah. It is quite obvious that the BSF patrol sent to Boraibari went in unprepared and ill-equipped, with little understanding or appreciation of the complications and resistance it would face before it could accomplish its mission. It lacked strength, firepower, communications equipment and readily available reinforcements to successfully undertake its mission. It is also astonishing that such a mission was undertaken even before diplomacy was given a chance to secure Bangladeshi withdrawal from Pyriduwah. The External Affairs Ministry was informed of the developments only on April 17. The matter was taken up strongly both in New Delhi and Dhaka the next day. The Bangladesh government acted swiftly to order the BDR to vacate Pyriduwah within 24 hours. It is quite obvious that neither our intelligence agencies nor the armed forces were taken into confidence nor their views sought, before the ill-fated operation at Boraibari was undertaken. Who was responsible for this fiasco? The tragedy in Boraibari has unquestionably called into question India’s entire approach to dealing with national security issues. We neither anticipate problems nor do we respond firmly when they arise. While Bangladesh may have had its own justification for what happened in Pyriduwah and Boraibari, the sheer savagery of the mutilation of the bodies and the cold-blooded custodial killings of our BSF jawans can neither be forgiven nor forgotten. India’s tragedy is that successive governments have shown a remarkable lack of institutional memory. How many people still remember the mutilation of the bodies of Captain Saurav Kalia and our soldiers in Kargil? It is not surprising that those in India’s neighbourhood who are inimical and hostile to us believe that we are a soft State that lack both the will and the resolve to hit back when the bodies of our men in uniform are mutilated, or when Jihadis are emboldened to strike at the very heart of the national Capital in the Red Fort. India’s relations with Bangladesh have had their ups and downs since that nation was born in December, 1971. There is no doubt that there are strong elements in that country like the Jamaat-e-Islami party that are hostile to India. Elements of their armed forces, the BDR and their intelligence agencies do have pan-Islamic sentiments and have provided active support to insurgent and separatist groups in India’s north-eastern states like Nagaland, Assam and Manipur. Like her father Sheikh Mujib, Begum Hasina is also well disposed towards India. But like her father she is naturally concerned first and foremost with the welfare, dignity and progress of her country and people. This is evident from the manner in which she publicly sympathised with the families of the BDR personnel killed in Boraibari and also from the comments of the Bangladesh Foreign Office on her conversation with Prime Minister Vajpayee. Whether it was the 1974 Border Agreement or the 1996 Farakka Accord, Sheikh Mujib and his daughter have invariably come out strongly in safeguarding the national interests of Bangladesh. This is only natural and we have to respect those who act in this manner, even as we seek friendly relations with them. It is in this spirit that we will have to convey to Bangladesh that even as we are prepared to resolve the border issue in accordance with the 1974 agreement, we expect the Bangladesh Government to act firmly against those who savagely killed and mutilated the bodies of the members of BSF party in Boraibari. It should be made known to all our neighbours through word and deed that those who brutally kill Indian citizens, whether in Kashmir or Boraibari, will not go unpunished. In the meantime, the National Security Council would be well advised to draw up a comprehensive system of border management with all our neighbours. Such a system involving regular contacts to deal with insurgency, drug smuggling and transborder terrorism does exist in our management of the Indo-Myanmar border. The Home Secretaries of the border states of Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh participate in these contacts. There is no reason why such a system should not be devised to deal with the management of India’s borders with Bangladesh. Finally, if the use of force is considered inescapable, it is imperative that operations should be carefully planned and the strength and firepower deployed and used should be overwhelming. The writer is a former High Commissioner of India to Pakistan. |
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Turning tables on mantriji Subhash, the Sales Taxation Officer of the district, was very happy. He was in a self-congratulatory mood. The nakabandi organised by him had paid rich dividends. He had laid hands on an illegal consignment worth Rs 3.5 lakh. The tax evasion was to the tune of over Rs 40,000. The bills produced by the truck driver seemed duplicate or fake. Interrogation revealed that the goods had originated from a trader in Delhi. Subhash was known to be a no-nonsense officer. Honest also. As a result, he had earned the opprobrium of being known as a “negative” officer. Being on deputation in sales tax department for a few months, he had yet to be tainted. He did not know the art of palm-greasing, a common rope-trick, in the tax department. He decided to go deep into the racket. He left the truck and the consignment in the custody of two sales tax inspectors and left for Delhi, for further investigations. The Delhi tax authorities were roped in to help him facilitate enquiries. It was confirmed that no tax was paid on the consignment. Subhash had been vindicated. The Delhi tax officers too were happy. For they had laid their hands on the golden goose, which they could not easily let go! When Subhash came back, he was in for a shock. The inspectors pleaded innocence as they explained how the truck driver gave them the slip and escaped with the illegal contraband. It was clear that the inspectors had been bribed to look the other way. Subhash was flabbergasted and angry. His efforts were coming to a nought. The two inspectors were suspended. He did not rest there. He knew the particulars of the truck and the address of the trader to whom the goods were being sent. He had alerted the sales tax officer in whose jurisdiction the trader was located. There was no way that the errant could escape tax and penalty. Even as investigations were on, Subhash got a call from the capital. The Sales Tax Minister was on the line. He was taken aback. Why should “mantriji” speak to him? His heart fluttered. Did the Minister want to congratulate him on his success? The minister’s tone, however, was hardly congratulatory. “Do you know whose truck you have caught hold of? Vijay is my man. You are a senior and a responsible officer. Close the case immediately and let him go,” he said deprecatingly. Subhash was not the one to be cowed down. Or to be intimidated. He replied back: “Janab, it is a clear case of sales tax evasion. It is one of the biggest seizures in the history of the district. There are 10 journalists in my room. They are accusing me of acting under your influence. We are being accused of deliberately letting the truck go away. What do I tell them?” The minister was caught unawares. He was known as a shrewd man. A go-getter. A minister who called the shots in the ministry of the day. “No, no, no! I am not in the picture..... You take action under the law. He should suffer for violating the tax laws.” And the mantriji hung up. The officer had turned the tables on the mantriji, who beat a hasty retreat. Subhash smirked. He seemed triumphant. Even the scribes could see that he had emerged victorious. The telephonic conversation had an electrifying effect. By that evening, the trader virtually lay prostrate before Subhash. The truck and the goods were back. He was pleading for mercy. For minimum penalty. The mantriji and his minion had conceded defeat. At least temporarily. Subhash imposed the maximum penalty of 100 per cent and the goods were released. He was euphoric. He stood alone, in splendid isolation. There were, however, no congratulatory calls from the Secretary Taxes or the Commissioner Sales Tax. His superiors knew which side the bread was buttered. After a month, mantriji hit back. Subhash was transferred out of the tax department. He had paid for his indiscretion. He, however, had few regrets. The minister had the last laugh, even while public interest took a battering. |
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Hurriyat pawn on Kashmir chessboard TORN by serious internal differences, the All-Party Hurriyat Conference Executive Committee finally succumbed to the pressures of the hard-liners, and rejected New Delhi’s offer for peace talks. The decision was preceded by hectic deliberations on the sidelines during which a bomb blast occurred outside the Hurriyat office taking some toll of life. Evidently, the hard-liners wanted to convey a message. This was almost identical to the manner in which the Hurriyat had rejected participation in the 1996 Assembly elections. When Mr Robert Oakley, the retired US Ambassador in Pakistan, took over as the head of the US Institute of Peace (USIP), Kashmir issue became a project of this institute. The USIP, an instrument of the US foreign policy, came into existence by an Act of the US Congress, which also undertook its funding without being answerable to the US President. It cooperates too closely with the US Administration, and being known for fondling with controversial problems, its methodology has been given the name of “Track II diplomacy receiving tactical support of the US Government. Mr Oakley’s study of Kashmir issue had yielded three conclusions; (a) Indian and Pakistani diplomatic circles acquiesced to Kashmir’s status as a “disputed territory” (b) the third option or quasi-independence on the model of “Trieste formula” was somehow workable, and (c) “third option” disengages the two militaries and reduce the threat of a nuclear war that would be disastrous to the US interests in the region. The USIP and its clout in the administration, focused on the Kashmiri Muslim segments as the catalyst for the third option provided they rallied under one organisation. The word went round. Abdul Ghani Lone camouflaged his sponsored US visit under a fabricated tour of the UK for “medical check-up”. Having obtained a visa for the USA in London, Lone found that in the USA, the administration cut him larger than his size. Back home, he managed to prove to the USIP and its source, his newfound credentials by sustaining a mild injury in the course of an anti-Indian demonstration in Srinagar. On the express request of the US Embassy in New Delhi, he was airlifted and admitted to the premier medical institute, the AIIMS, where the US Embassy officials made several bedside courtesy calls on him. The Hurriyat received the invisible pat from the US Administration and visible accolades from pro-Pak Congressmen like Dan Burton. Money began to pour in from Saudi Arabia and other sources. The APHC seemed to be set for something big. New Delhi countered the move with political finesse. It let Lone sulk in his dreams and took no punitive action, which proves its political maturity. First it opened the field for Yasin Malik, the other heavyweight in the JKLF but only after detaining Javed Mir, who, it feared, could mobilise opinion against Yasin Malik within the rank and file of the organisation. But when Yasin Malik decided to join the APHC, New Delhi pulled another card out of its sleeves. Shabir Shah was patronised by Rajesh Pilot, then Deputy Home Minister in the Union Cabinet, and projected as a secularist, Indian Nelson Mandela and Kashmirian Gandhi adhering to the philosophy of non-violence. Shah made the best use of difference between Chavan, the then Union Home Minister, and his deputy Rajesh Pilot. He stayed cboth in and out of the APHC. On the other hand, Rajesh Pilot threw his lot with Mr Farooq Abdullah. In this way, New Delhi forged a two-pronged strategy to foil the manoeuvering of Mr Oakley and his 2-Trackists in Washington. But even the Americans had to learn some desk book rules of dealing with the Kashmiris. In early October, 1995, Maulana Mir Waiz Farooq, the young and colourful leader of the APHC called on Robin Raphel, the Assistant Secretary at the State Department. She bluntly told him that the APHC lacked political vision and its continued India bashing was not going to lead them anywhere. He was advised to engage in a meaningful dialogue with India. The Hurriyat tried some half-hearted measures like opening an office in New Delhi. But this did not meet the expectations of the State Department and when Raphel visited India in early 1996, she chose to have a breakfast with Mr Farooq Abdullah while refusing to meet the APHC representative, Shabir Shah. In February, 1997, US ambassador in New Delhi Frank Wisner visited Jammu and the valley. The APHC refused to meet him. The Americans had been exhorting the APHC to participate in the Assembly elections of 1996. Now the Americans were convinced that the APHC lacking pragmatism, was not the group that would deliver the goods. The Hurriyat was not seen as a major political force, but a mere hartal-announcing organisation. However, when Shabir Shah, in defiance of the Hurriyat’s decision, met Wisner on his own, he was expelled from the APHC. When Mr Farooq Abdullah decided to boycott the parliamentary elections in 1996 and echoed his “1952 slogan”, the USA deemed him an acceptable alternative to the APHC provided he pursued his greater autonomy proposal for Jammu and Kashmir. The removal of Balraj Puri as the chairman of the committee for regional autonomy should be understood in this scenario. Frank Wisner’s visit to Kashmir in February, 1997, was a part of the American exercise in Kashmir. This was an indirect affront to the APHC, which now decided not to go further away from the American approach to the Kashmir situation. It gave hints that it would participate in the political process under way in the state. In quick succession, it denounced Pakistan for forceful occupation of the PoK, opened an office in Jammu, formed a 21-member Jammu unit (including 9 non - Muslims), called for political discussions with India, received the state Congress backing for participating in the political process, and expressed a desire to open a dialogue with Kashmiri Pandits. After Mr Oakley left the USIP, its Kashmir chapter was wound up in Washington. But after taking up a new assignment with the US Defence Academy, he has floated a new project called the Kashmir Study Group funded by a wealthy Kashmiri Muslim named Kathwari — a Shabir Shah supporter. Mr Omar Farooq, the young Hurriyat leader, managed to befriend OIC. He almost assumed the role of the Hurriyat’s roving ambassador. New Delhi carefully chose to overlook the matter but, at least, solid Hurriyat leaders, Geelani and Lone, became defensive. Apart from the question of ego, the more important bone of contention was the money, the big money that had begun to flow into the coffers of the Hurriyat from various sources. |
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Ultras bend as Naga tribes back peace process A comprehensive political settlement to the five-decade-long insurgency in Nagaland may still be a far cry. But a halting peace process that began in August, 1997, forced another major insurgent group, the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang group) to sign a cease-fire agreement with the Centre on April 28. Earlier the Union Government had signed one such cease-fire after protracted talks spread over years with the Isak-Muivah group of the Naga Nationalist Socialist Council, by far the most powerful Left-wing group. It has been calling the shots after the demise of famed Naga leader Phizo. NSCN (IM) claims to represent the majority of the Nagas. Essentially what is helping the peace efforts bear fruit is the strong desire for peace among the people in this blood-soaked north-eastern state that has witnessed one of the longest insurgent movements in free India. Right now all the 14 major Naga tribes are strongly supporting the peace movement. “People have such a strong desire for peace that no insurgent group can ignore that. I had seen people in Punjab yearn for peace, but that desire was not expressed in the manner the people in Nagaland are expressing”. There had been scores of small and large rallies throughout the state in support of peace. People have banned the entry of armed groups in their areas and stopped them from collecting unauthorised taxes”, says Nagaland’s Governor, Mr O.P. Sharma, who had earlier been police chief in Punjab. He was one of the main architects of the peace offensive in Punjab which finally paid off. These peace rallies began in 1999 but skeptics did not rate them of any political consequence. Last year these rallies spread like wildfire. They now continue with full vigour. Last week in Tuensang a big rally was held described by observers as unprecedented. According to “Nagaland Post”, over 25,000 persons gathered there. They declared the entire district as peace zone and resolved that no faction or cadre would be allowed to stay or take shelter in any village or town. No faction would indulge in firing at each other. Name any district or subdivisional town which has not been marked by this peace offensive. In fact, even an astute politician like Union Home Minister L.K. Advani was surprised to observe this strong sentiment for peace during his visit to Nagaland last month. In Kohima and later in Parliament, he promised to work in tandem with the state governments in the North-East and with all groups. NSCN (IM) is opposed to any talks with the rival Khaplang group. The underground leadership of the Nagas is now painfully aware of the growing disenchantment of the people as the long spell of violence has lead them nowhere. But they have been trying to put up a bold face and taken refuge under strong rhetoric. These leaders have been making feeble attempts to improve their image. One could see this in the ‘independence’ day message which the NSCN (IM) president Isak delivered. He said: “I, on behalf of my comrades-in-arms in common cause and on my own behalf humbly apologise to the people for the excesses committed by the NSCN cadres. But you should not forget that the NSCN members are your bucklers and scapegoats. Had there been no NSCN at the right time and at the right place, the Naga nation would have perished long time back”. Such is the measure of rethinking among the leaders. Look at the backward, tribal areas like Noklak where the Khiamnuingan Tribal Council has vowed to establish peace and end the long fratricidal war. Most of the tribal bodies have resolved to give full support to the unification issue on the basis of forget and forgive. Complete cease-fire among all the groups. There shall be no kidnapping, attack or killings and no loss to any public property. There shall be no attempt at defections. And finally no forcible collection from the people. People in Mangokolemba have declared that they will not bear any expenditure of the underground. They also declared the whole area as peace zone. The Kuki tribals followed the same route to peace. The Army and the administration have taken active interest in this peace offensive. In the state capital too more than 5,000 people held a peace march. Unfortunately as a leader of Naga HOHO lamented the mainline media in the country has ignored such a big achievement of the people. The Naga Mothers Association has taken a leading part as other NGOs. These happy tidings are the result of the first cease-fire agreement. Now there are two cease-fire agreements. Both will work if this peace movement continues to gather momentum. This is a prerequisite. But more essential is that the Union Government and the state government make some sincere efforts for economic development and do some justice. People are crying for a clean efficient government. Right now there is nothing much to sing about. At the political plane, the government in Delhi has to respond to the demand for Nagalim, the greater Nagaland. Some leaders of the underground movement had been pressing hard that the Naga areas in other states like Assam and Arunachal Pradesh should form part of Nagalim. In fact, the NSCN (IM) leaders had been demanding the inclusion of Naga tribal areas falling in Mynmar. The government in Delhi has been chary of any such idea. The underground Nagas have some cadres and camps in Myanmar areas. That country has some stake in the peace process.
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There is life
in “Mars” To travel to Mars, you do not need a space rocket or a space suit. You need a car and a good map.
You ascend almost vertically from the middle Rhone valley. You skim the beautiful ridge-tops of the northern Ardeche. After a winding, hair-raising journey of about 90 minutes, you reach Mars. Contrary to the popular image, Mars is neither red; nor barren; nor uninhabited. It is lush green and sparsely populated. There is a small hotel, bar and restaurant (highly recommended by this visitor from Earth). There is a post office; a play-ground; a tennis court; a camp-site and a telephone box. In other words, there is life on Mars (or in Mars) but not very much. Mars is a small village (216 people) in one of the least visited corners of one of France’s poorest departments. The village, and surrounding region, are hoping to attract tourists by exploiting an untapped, natural resource: the village name. Three American astronauts (lent for the day by NASA) and one French ex-astronaut, “landed” in Mars this month from a hot air balloon to launch its career as an extra-terrestrial destination. Casts of the feet and hand-prints of the first astronauts to reach Mars will shortly be displayed in the Martian town hall, which also doubles as the Martian post office. The Mayor, Henri Guillot, 53, said: “Officially, we are not known as Martians but Marsois. But I may organise a referendum to ask people whether they want to change their name officially to “Martiens” (Martians in English). I think a referendum would be a good idea. Mars is a democracy, after all”. Gilles Russier, 35, proprietor of the L’Art des Choix restaurant, is enthusiastically in favour of the villagers’ changing their collective name. “Personally, I have always considered myself a Martian”, he said. Independent Cod, Killed by Kindness A blind cod, who cheated death in a fishnet 40 times before retiring to a life of luxury in an aquarium, has apparently been killed by kindness. The fish, variously called “Balder”, “Toralf” or “Torolv”, won celebrity after it repeatedly swam into the net of a fisherman in west Norway. The fisherman let it go every time, feeling sorry for it and judging it too scrawny to eat. The fisherman, Harald Hauso, told the west Norwegian daily Bergens Tidende that the fish may have been killed by kindness after it was transferred to the aquarium in February. “Maybe it was too much food for him. He wasn’t used to such a life of luxury,” he said. The cod had been fed a diet of herring and shrimp in a tank with several smaller fish. “He was swimming and eating and taking food from my fingers and looked quite well. He was still very skinny but suddenly he rolled over and died,” Jan Einarsen, director of the Atlantic Sea Park in Aalesund, said.
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Blessed is He who made the stars in the heavens and made therein a sun and a shining moon. And He it is Who made the night and the day to follow each other for him who desires to be mindful or desires to be thankful. And the servants of the Beneficent God are they who walk on the earth in humbleness, and when the ignorant address them, they say, Peace. ***** Whatever is in the heavens and whatever is in the earth declares the glory of Allah; and He is the Mighty, the wise. ***** O you who believe! Why do you say that which you do not do? ***** Surely Allah loves people who fight in His Way in ranks as if they were a firm and compact wall. ***** And when Moses said to his people; O my people! Why do you give me trouble? And you know indeed that I am Allah's apostle to you; but when they turned aside, Allah made their hearts turn aside, and Allah does not guide the transgressing people. — The Holy Quran, Part XIX, chapt. XXV, Section 6,61-63 ***** The supreme Being is thousand-headed, Thousand-eyed, thousand-footed; He pervades the Universe on all sides, And extends beyond the ten directions. ***** He indeed is all this, What has been and what will be, He is the Lord of immortality Transcending through material existence. — Rig Veda, 10.90.2
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