BOOK REVIEW | Sunday, October 25, 1998 |
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spotlight today's calendar |
Hitler: "Peoples
Chancellor" versus "Great Dictator" |
Nationalism of this and that variety Region, Religion, Caste, Gender and Culture in Contemporary India edited by T.V. Sathyamurthy. Oxford India Paperbacks, New Delhi. Pp. XVI+606. Rs 375. THE project on "Social change and political discourse in India" dealing with power structures and resistance movements in Indian society, is a monumental work in four volumes. Little care of the little ones The State of Pakistans Children by Samra Fayyazzuddin, Anees Jillani & Zarina Jillani. APH Publishing, New Delhi. Pp. 198. Rs 600. "THE State of Pakistans Children", as is evident from the title , deals with a most important subject namely the well-being of children who are the future citizens but, strangely enough, political leaders pay scant attention to their welfare. |
Nationalism of this and that variety Region, Religion, Caste, Gender and Culture in Contemporary India edited by T.V. Sathyamurthy. Oxford India Paperbacks, New Delhi. Pp. XVI+606. Rs 375. THE project on "Social change and political discourse in India" dealing with power structures and resistance movements in Indian society, is a monumental work in four volumes. The task was accomplished with the painstaking efforts of the editor, T.V. Sathyamurthy, Professor of Politics, University of York, UK. Sathyamurthy was a political scientist of keen perception with a known commitment to progressive causes. His sudden demise in York is a serious loss to the academic world. He helped put together Economic and Political Weeklys latest issue (August 29-September 4, 1998) on political economy on "The new Europe: contradictions and continuities" before he died. The book under review, the third volume in the series, is mainly concerned with the dynamic role played by region, religion, caste, gender and culture as identity-markers amidst tensions and contradictions caused by social change in contemporary India. Sathyamurthy believes that academics have neglected the political processes and their ramifications in post-independent Indian state. His project involving not only academics from diverse disciplines but also political activists, fills this gap to a great extent. Gautam Navlakha and Tilotama and Udyan Misra explore the theme of regionalisation of politics and the explosive nature of regional identities in Kashmir and North-East respectively. Navlakhas position on Kashmir issue is well known. He has been a consistent and trenchant critic of the governments policy on Kashmir, with open sympathy for the regional aspirations of the people of the valley. In his view, in a multi-ethnic society like India, one major ethnic group seeks to dominate the state, giving rise to what he describes as "official nationalism". The regime of the Maharaja, in Navlakhas opinion, was overtly communal in character. Discrimination against the Kashmiris, especially the Muslim population of the valley, was the hallmark of Dogra rule. This historical wrong compounded by the many attempts of the Indian state to subvert the democratic process and rampant corruption in the local administration have led to a near-total alienation of the people of the valley from the Indian state. The Misras in their well-researched piece analyse the causes and the course of three major movements for autonomy in the North-East: the Naga movement, the Karbi-Dimasa movement and the Bodo movement. The authors have cogently argued that the policy of the British as well as the present Indian government to treat the north-eastern region as a "colonial hinterland" and to systematically exploit the rich natural resources in order to build industries and commercial centres in other parts of the country has led to growing resentment in the politically conscious sections of the people. "Thus, economic backwardness and displacement of the indigenous population from their traditional landholdings," affirm the Misras, "may be seen as two important factors contributing to the mass support which some of the autonomy movements of the North-East have been able to garner." A steady influx of the poor from Bangladesh into contiguous states in the North-East has added to the tension. A cluster of five chapters deal with the politics of communalism in India. Sujata Patel examines the relationship between communalism and secularism. In Patels opinion the roots of the present crisis lie in the discourse of domination. Hinduism is being used as an instrument by the ruling classes to restrain the minority and low caste groups from acquiring their legitimate place in Indian society. Mushirul Hasan examines the impact of the legacy of partition on the Muslims in India. He attributes the rising tide of communal forces from the 1960s onwards to "a sharpening of existing caste, class, and community cleavages", and to "the limitation of the secularist processes". He rightly disagrees with thinkers like Ashish Nandy who treat secularism as an import from the West grafted on a traditional society. The "secular" idea, in Hasans opinion, can be traced to the ancient Hindu and Buddhist texts, the bhakti movement, and the religio-cultural syncretism evolved by Akbar and Dara Shikoh. Javed Alams piece on the rise and growth of the Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen in Hyderabad is a brilliant attempt to debunk the thesis propounded by Hindu communalists that the Muslim community is a monolith and Muslim communalism a pan-Indian phenomenon. In Alams opinion, there are a range of forms of Muslim communalism, each of which is region-specific and there is no such thing as Muslim communalism as a single variety. Muslim communalism is defensive in character and lacks a unifying ideology. A steep socio-economic decline suffered by the Muslims of Hyderabad after its incorporation into the Indian state, marked by abolition of jagirs, shrinkage of avenues for government jobs, migration of the Muslim elite to Pakistan and such other related factors, led to a feeling of persecution. The emergence of the Majlis was an offshoot of this objective condition. "The ideology and politics of Hindutva" by Arun Patnaik and K.S.R.V.S. Chalam is another perceptive piece in the section on communalism. Hindutva as defined by V.D. Savarkar encompasses all those who regard India as their "pitrubhumi" (fatherland) and "punyabhumi" (holy land). This puts the Muslims, Christians and the Parsis outside the fold of Hindutva as their holy land lies outside India, though they may consider this country as their fatherland. In practice Hindutva aims at appropriating non-Brahminical ideological currents developed since Indias post-vedic period beginning with the emergence of Jainism and Buddhism and continuing into the 19th century which saw a number of religious reform movements. These trends preached universal brotherhood and posed a serious challenge to the divisive concept of "varnashramadharma" which is the essence of Hinduism. Thus, Hindutva is an ideological construct of Hinduism, as correctly pointed out by the authors. It is a device to build Hindu society as a monolith by appropriating all diverse trends and smothering its pluralistic character, isolating, in the process, all those communities which do not fit into this paradigm. The sections on caste and gender in the book are comparatively weak. Contributors on caste, especially D.L. Seth and Gail Omvedt, discuss different aspects of politics of reservation and the assertive content of caste politics as represented by numerous dalit organisations. Caste, along with communalism, is generally taken as a divisive force. There is a grain of truth in it. But caste can act as a liberating and regenerative force if it is used as an instrument to articulate the aspirations of those who have been oppressed for ages through the instrumentality of the caste system. If there is one single factor in Indian society today which can foil the designs of those who wish to restore Brahminical hegemony to its pristine glory, it is the emergence of the oppressed castes as a potent political force. Unfortunately, this aspect is yet to receive due attention from analysts of the caste scenario in the country. Indian feminists, exceptions apart, seem to be unduly suffering from a hangover of the women libertarian lore of the West. Perhaps, they can learn more from a man like Ram Manohar Lohia about the position of woman in the Hindu patriarchal social order. Kumkum Sangris attempt to deconstruct the Ramayana epic and relate her observations to Sadhvi Ritambharas rhetoric in the present context is refreshingly penetrating. But its impact is largely marred by the over-use of jargon and the language of western feminists. The visual media is an important vehicle for expression of culture. Cinema has played a powerful role in the politics of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. M.S.S. Pandians excellent critique of M.G. Ramchandrans films lays bare the filmi mystique. MGR as a film hero has been very popular with the general mass of Tamil Nadu, especially women. MGRis a subaltern hero who rescues women in distress and in the process the basic values of patriarchy are reaffirmed. The notion that womens place is the home and the mens the outer world is repeatedly stressed in his films. There is no attempt to understand the logic of the inequitous social system. There is always a neat but a contrived solution to social injustice. S.V. Rajadurai and V. Geetha trace the history of DMK hegemony in Tamil Nadu politics achieved by fighting the battle in the terrain of culture and the limit it has reached now. This hegemony is rooted in the rationalist legacy of Periyar Ramaswami Naicker which has been distorted by his followers on their road to power. Periyar had no use for the innate glory and unique culture of any race, Aryan or Tamilian. What mattered to him most was caste oppression. His notion of "self-respect" was meant to inspire the oppressed to look the oppressor in the eye and say "no". All this was distorted by his followers. They wove a mystique around "Tamilness" by investing it with the halo of "maanam" (honour) and innate glory and superiority of Tamil culture. Inversion of the Brahminical ideology with a vengeance! No wonder that today we find the imperious queen of Tamil Nadu politics in the company of the forces of Hindutva and see her occupying the seat on the right side of the Prime Minister at the meeting of the co-ordination committee of the ruling allies at the Centre. The book under review is of immense value to both the scholar and lay observer of the Indian scene in its manifold complexity. It contains a rich fare of information, empirical data and flashes of insight from a galaxy of distinguished academics and social activists. The price of the four volumes in the series is beyond the reach of the cash-starved academics. The publishers have taken a merciful decision to bring out paperback editions. |
He plays the been, but is a has-been The Snake Charmer by Sanjay Nigam. Penguin, New Delhi. Pp. 223. Rs 200. A MEDICAL researcher on the Harvard faculty, Sanjay Nigam tells the story of a snake charmer called Sonalal, his quest for love. Some of the quest is to obtain a hand-on, some of it concerns the search for a soul-satisfying love, and some of it is for bringing the magic back into his professional life. How much his search is for the one or for the other remains a mystery. Sonalal is a middle-aged man married to a woman he does not love and the father of two sons, both of whom are embarrassed by their father being a snake charmer. He has a soul mate in a prostitute whom he visits often to find some meaning in life. She reciprocates his attentions in full measure, almost as if she loved him. Perhaps she does. She is the one who encourages him to see himself as a gifted artist, a professional who could move the world and create magic if he put his heart into it. The story begins one evening at Delhis Humayun Tomb while charming his companion of 15 years, the snake Raju. Sonalal on his occasion plays such enchanting notes on his been that he feels touched by the gods. He himself is enraptured both over his music and Rajus dancing. The crowd observing him includes foreign journalists, newly arrived in India to discover some of the mysteries of the subcontinent. They are thrilled at his been playing and the way Raju dances to his tunes. They tip him according to western standards, at the airport rate of exchange. Money may not make the mare go, but it certainly does Sonalals wife. She enlivens her affections for her husband. But by now the charmer needs more than his fat wife to charm his appendages into action. Meanwhile distracted at the sight of big bucks Sonalal hits a false note with his been. An enraged Raju bites Sonalal who bites him back. The snake had been defanged and his bite was not lethal. That of Sonalal divides the snake into two. That way Sonalal earns even more fame: "The charmer who bites his snake." Already in the throes of a mid-life crisis, Sonalal becomes grief stricken at the death of his companion snake. He is afflicted with a guilt syndrome from which there seems no way out. His pursuit of redemption takes him to brothels, quacks, magicians and scientists. It also provides Nigam with the opportunity to discuss at great length the details of what men do when their manhood is unable to rise. The interesting thing about the story is that Nigam takes us through this entire rigmarole using rather common-place language and common place images. Obviously the story was conceived before the little blue pill became the solution for mankinds curious problems. Why should womankind be interested in the reproductive hassles of mankind and their psychological impact on a man is a question which continues to trouble me after reading this book. Quite clearly, the story will be more appreciated by those in search of information about the afflictions of Sonalal. |
Little care of the little ones The State of Pakistans Children by Samra Fayyazzuddin, Anees Jillani & Zarina Jillani. APH Publishing, New Delhi. Pp. 198. Rs 600. "THE State of Pakistans Children", as is evident from the title , deals with a most important subject namely the well-being of children who are the future citizens but, strangely enough, political leaders pay scant attention to their welfare. Pakistan is no exception, because political leaders are concerned solely with politico-economic and defence issues. Although Pakistan is an Islamic state, the tenets of Islam do not guide the conduct of the people and their political leaders. Rampant corruption and a widening gulf between the rich and the poor have led to chaotic conditions for the have-nots. A large number of children find their way into the labour market, doing adult jobs for their sustenance and that of their families. Their future is bleak. The authors say: "Weak legal action has failed to provide protection to childrens rights. There are laws for providing children with security from injustice, for compulsory education, regulating the employment of children and for restraining child marriage. Yet they are seldom enforced or mostly partially (enforced); they also fail to cover a large segment of the affected children. Lenient penalties make the laws ineffective." The book is based on the findings of SPARC and is actually the first attempt of the non-profit organisation whose working is modelled on UNICEF. In the first chapter the book deals graphically with childrens rights and the steps taken to ensure their enforcement. The Pakistan Constitution does not make a distinction between a child and an adult but a child has no voice and the schools in the country have ceased to be instrumental in creating awareness among them. There are shocking figures about sex abuse of male and female children. Health of children evokes least concern and physical disabilities and incurable diseases prey on children all over the country. Lack of safe drinking water, insufficient sanitation, substandard hygiene and environmental pollution are the major causes of child mortality. According to an estimate, 2.5 lakh children die of diarrhoea annually. Malnutrition is also a major problem. The book says a majority of children work as non-wage earners that is, they are part of a family hired as agricultural labour or a part of labour force. This is "a most dramatic" from of child exploitation. The authors plead for legislation to eliminate or regulate child labour and for making education compulsory. In 1994 SPARC endeavoured to bring about an amendment to the Constitution stipulating that no child below the age of 16 should be employed; but the proposal was defeated in the face of opposition by the Benazir Bhutto government. In its final analysis, the book says a large chunk of the countrys budget goes to defence and another chunk to debt servicing, although "Pakistan has experienced a much higher level of economic growth than its neighbour India or Bangladesh". There is little left to spend on childrens well-being and to protect their rights. The book will be an eye-opener to Indian leaders as the conditions of children in India are similar. |