Hitler: "People’s Chancellor" versus "Great Dictator"

By V. N Datta
SIR Lewis Namier, perhaps the greatest historian of this century, regarded history as the biography of men.
Nagas, the warriors and not sadhus
Nagaland by Verrier Elwin. Spectrum Publications, Guwahati. Pp. 108 with illustrations. Rs 425.
Have the Naga people got the autonomy and opportunity for self-development which were promised by the late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru when Nagaland became the 16th state of India?
He plays the been, but is a has-been
The Snake Charmer by Sanjay Nigam. Penguin, New Delhi. Pp. 223. Rs 200.
A MEDICAL researcher on the Harvard faculty, Sanjay Nigam tells the story of a snake charmer called Sonalal, his quest for love.

By V. N Datta

Hitler: "People’s Chancellor"
versus "Great Dictator"

SIR Lewis Namier, perhaps the greatest historian of this century, regarded history as the biography of men. By sheer force of genius, he turned his biographical writings into a sophisticated art of exploring and explaining the chosen personalities in all their dimensions. His works help us have fuller and richer understanding of biographical writing.

Lytton Strachy occupies a central place because he demolished at one stroke the notion of "heroes of history". He showed in his famous work "Eminent Victorians" that there were no "tall poppies", or "heavy-feathered men" in the annals of history, and that even the most leading men who influenced events had, in reality, feet of clay.

Pieter Geyl, a Dutch historian, wrote an influential work "Napoleon: For or Against" which left a profound impact on the art of biographical writing. Napoleon who brought misery to millions still continues to fascinate the historian and the reading public. Adolf Hitler does not charm but remains one of the demonic figures of history.

For English-speaking readers, two significant works have appeared since 1945 — one by Oxford historian Alan Bullock, "Hitler, a Study in Tyranny" (1952) and the other by Joachim Fest, "Hitler", (1973) though it is estimated that some 1,20,000 titles on Hitler are listed in library catalogues. These two pre-eminent books, which are full-length works of scholarship, have now become dated because of the opening of the German archives which throw valuable light on German history between 1939 and 1945. Unfortunately, most people still prefer to cling to the simplicities of wartime propaganda.

The book under review is "Hitler (1889-1936): Hubris" by Ian Kershaw (Allan Lane/The Penguin Press, p 845, £ 20). "Hubris" in the title is significant in that it provides the key to understanding Hitler’s personality. "Hubris" means excessive pride, and in Greek tragedy it denotes defiance of the gods thereby courting nemesis. This is Kershaw’s first volume on Hitler and is a meticulous study of first-class scholarship, based on vast historical material of primary importance.

Kershaw was an adviser to the award-winning BBC documentary on the Nazis. He makes it clear that his approach is that of a structuralist believing that it is the structure of society that shapes, moulds and determines the lives of individuals rather than the other way round. In his preface, he declares that he does not much care for biographies as a rule. But Hitler, he concedes grudgingly, is a special case as he is "one of the few individuals of whom it can be said with absolute certainty without whom the course of history would have been different". It is this consciousness or, to put it differently, this tension between the two different approaches that gives his work much value. The narrative is lucid and engaging, but what one misses in this work is fresh psychological insight into Hitler and his close associates.

Kershaw has succeeded in presenting Hitler as a brilliant political agitator and speaker; and he is even better in analysing the combination of forces that raised him from a provincial crank into what Heinrich Himmler called "The peoples’ great Chancellor" who stirred the imagination of millions and was mobbed wherever he went by his adoring subjects. Kershaw shows how Hitler painstakingly and assiduously mastered the art of oratory. He believed in the power of words, which he thought were magic enough, to produce profound effect.

According to the author, Hitler delivered his "first speech to the fledgling Nazi Party in October, 1917, heard by just an audience of 1,000". Word of his oratory and charisma got round and "within a few months he was attracting crowds of 2,000 drawn to a man whose histrionics were such that he lost five pounds during a single speech and had to have 20 bottles of mineral water on hand to replace lost fluid".

Within a few years he ran his own paper with 55,000 paid-up and mostly fanatical readers. Hitler declared at a Nuremberg rally, "Once you heard the voice of a man and it spoke to your heart and it awakened you, and you followed that voice."

Hitler recognised the importance and value of public relations as the highest form of political activity, calculated to produce results to his advantage. He also proved a successful fund-raiser. Kershaw shows how through his efforts, Hitler persuaded the makers of Sturum cigarettes to help fund his Sturum Abteilsung, the SA storm troopers who provided muscle power to the Nazi movement in the 1920s by beating up the opponents.

Kershaw gives a blow-by-blow account of Hitler from his birth until 1936 when he became a power to reckon with and a threat to peace. By then he had embarked on his campaign of anti-semitism, which the author regards as a far more virulent disease than "ethnic cleansing" of the past few years.

Hitler had an unhappy childhood. He nursed a great sense of insecurity which was to fortify his determination to find for himself an independent place in life. Born in 1889, the son of a civil servant, he spent his first 30 years in complete obscurity. His domineering father refused to allow him to become an art student. Because of his pitiable financial condition he had to live in a house for the homeless and unemployed for sometime.

Hitler was a voracious reader, not by any means a discriminating one; he read whatever came his way, and assimilated it quickly thanks to his strong memory. The author doubts whether he ever seriously read writers of classics such as Goethe, Schiller, Schopenhauer and Nietzsche. He greatly valued time and never wasted it on trifles and made the most of it in what Kershaw calls "butteressing his vengeful ideas with an amorphous collection of spurious facts".

Kershaw emphasises that Hitler’s influence would not have extended beyond the municipal limits of Munich had it not been for two external factors. The first was the rightwing anti-democratic German establishment which awarded him a light sentence for his failed coup and then allowed him early parole.

The second factor was the deep economic slump. To reinforce his arguments, Kershaw cites two statistics to explain the rise of Hitler. A year before the Wall Street crash in 1929 the Nazis took 2.6 per cent of votes in the Reichstag elections and were about to be wiped out as a political party, but a year later in 1930 they captured 18.3 per cent and became with 107 seats the second single largest party in the German parliament. And less than three years later, Kershaw writes that Hitler "a man with no credentials for raising a sophisticated state machine was in power".

The book brings out Hitler’s close association with the army from the very start of his political career. He was also responsible for the creation of German military intelligence and his link with the army lasted till he captured state power.

The author shows that Hitler’s programmes had existed in an outline from the start. "Lebensraum" — land for the Germans — at the expense of Russia was an early preoccupation; anti-semitism merged into it to mount an attack on "Jewish Bolshevism". The twin policies lay at the heart of Hitler’s vaulting ambitions. Kershaw points out that Hitler was "invoking the most brutal tenets of late 19th century imperialism, racism, semitism, etc". The author finds it strange that it took Germany and the wider world so long to realise the dangers from Hitler’s sinister hidden agenda.

Just five years before Hitler’s greatest election triumph in 1932, a report to the Ministry of Interior had described the Nazi Party as "numerically insignificant, radically splinter group, incapable of exerting any notable influence on the great mass of the population, and the course of political events."

Kershaw portrays Hitler as a consummate operator in politics, a Machiavellian who by his subtle manipulations was able to "run rings around the other conservative politicians of his time". Using his persuasive powers cleverly, he hoodwinked others into believing that his demands were just and reasonable, and the gullible German rightwing leaders were so myopic, swayed as they were by his charisma, that they failed to see the monster in him. And when they did, it was too late to turn the clock back.

Nagas, the warriors and not sadhus

Nagaland by Verrier Elwin. Spectrum Publications, Guwahati. Pp. 108 with illustrations. Rs 425.

Have the Naga people got the autonomy and opportunity for self-development which were promised by the late Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru when Nagaland became the 16th state of India?Political uncertainty, ethnic violence and underground activities are the legacy of insecurity and a certain degree of distrust. But what drove these tribesmen to despair and rebellion is a moot question.

The book under review deals with the social fabric and cultural values of Naga society; discusses in detail the place of the Nagas in history; analyses the years of conflict; highlights the element of suspicion and anxiety; traces the steps that led to the creation of a full-fledged state and finally comes out with a blueprint for a better future of the tribals.

Popularly known as warriors and head-hunters, the Nagas are divided into a dozen or more distinct tribes. Inhabiting a narrow strip of mountains between Burma (Myanmar) and the Brahmaputra valley of Assam, they speak more than two dozen dialects and languages. The dialect differs from village to village. Vowels do not conform to any definite category and the consonants, when these occur at the end of words, are glottalised. Negatives are mainly prefixed/suffixed and the classificatory terms are in use.

Relying on their innate artistic sense, some groups make wooden drums or xylophones which are used for sending messages several miles away. These drums are also used for summoning for war or announcing a festival. In the past, equipment used in cultivation and weapons of war like the spear were also made in the villages.

A mixture of differing patterns of near dictatorship and full democracy, and a system of hereditary chieftainship is prevalent, particularly among the Semas and Changs. They are regarded as sacred in the Konyaks.

The Nagas are passionately attached to their land and agriculture is, by and large, their prime occupation. They practise terrace cultivation. Each village claims to have a well marked out area, a headman and an administration. Many villages have "morungs" for unmarried men to live. However some tribes do have small houses for unwed girls. These so-called morungs are guard houses, recreational clubs and sometimes centres of education, art and discipline. Earlier, skulls used to be displayed in morungs but these are replaced with pillars carved with the images of tiger, hornbill and the monkey and the maintenance of these morungs is no longer required.

The Nagas hardly show any interest in Hinduism but interestingly there is some similarity between ceremonial feasts and Vedic religion. They believe in a supreme creator and deities, ghosts, spirits of trees, rivers and hills are objects of reverence. For them, the soul does not perish. Dead bodies or corpses are invariably disposed of by burning or burying but in certain tribes, exposing these on a platform is also a practice. Conversion to Christianity is widespread.

There is an interesting story about how the practice of head-hunting started. They did not know how to wage wars but finding the red ant cutting off the lizard’s head during a fight gave them a clue. There is a belief that vital power resides in the human head and bringing a human head from another village increases human and animal fertility, ensures better crops and infuses vital and creative energy. Above all, it helps youth to attract beautiful girls. The practice of head-hunting is almost dead, particularly after the British started exercising control over the Naga Hills Area.

The common drink is rice beer which has a small alcoholic content but is very rich in nutrients. Meat and rice is their favourite food. The Nagas have started drinking tea and even milk which was once a taboo.

There is a legend about the history of the Nagas, God gave a deer skin asking them to write their tradition but these hillsmen ate all the reading material and were thus unable to leave a record of their past; but the fact remains that raids by head-hunters led to punitive expeditions and finally to the British occupation of the hills. However this did not end the troubles of the Nagas. In fact, the Naga history is full of hostility, friendliness and clashes. Some even believe that British rule did more harm than good.

The Kol insurrection of 1833, the Koya rebellion in East Godavari in 1879, the Santhal rebellion in 1855 are said to have caused not only economic and land loss, deprivation of rights but also a psychological shock in many of the tribes.

Khonoma is known as the sentinel of the Naga history and resistance. It is a beautiful but powerful village surrounded by terraced rice fields and stands like a fortress rising above a valley. When the first deputy commissioner of the Naga Hills was murdered, punitive forces were sent which temporarily put an end of raids by the so-called underground Nagas. This also led to a reluctant decision to administer the Naga Hills areas as a British territory.

Naga clubs were founded in 1918 to demand exemption of the Nagas from the proposed reforms and save them from being overwhelmed by the people of the plains, about whom they did not have a high opinion. These clubs comprising government officials and leading headmen of villages often met to discuss social and administrative problems.

Sir C.R. Pawry established an institution called the Naga Hills District Tribal Council with a view to bringing unity among the Nagas and repairing the physical damages caused during World War II. This council became the Naga National Council in 1946 fostering the welfare of the tribals and providing local autonomy.

When India attained Independence, the government recognising the importance of traditions, social values and customs of these tribals, made efforts to incorporate certain provisions in the Constitution to protect them from exploitation and injustice. But at the same time, the Naga rebellion tried to build up an atmosphere of hatred and hostility against the Indian government to the extent of propagating that the "Hindu government of India would put an end to Christianity" and also follow a "culturally destructive" policy.

However, a nine-point agreement was drawn up recognising the rights of the Nagas to develop themselves and to promise that all cases would be decided by duly constituted courts but according to the tribal customs. The so-called Hydari Agreement of 1947 was initially for 10 years. This did not deter the Naga leaders from boycotting elections to constitute the district councils. Even the general election of 1952 was boycotted. Neither the tribals fought the election nor exercised their right to vote.

However, in the 1957 election, three filed nominations and were returned to the assembly unopposed. However it will not be out of place to mention that the province of Assam was created in 1874 and the Naga Hills District was included in it, which was earlier under the direct control of the Governor of Bengal and the Tuensang area was part of the North-East Frontier Agency till 1957.

The fight for Naga independence was intensified. First they adopted the technique of civil disobedience. Their demand for sovereignty is said to have been backed by Mahatma Gandhi and even a representation was submitted to the Simon Commission.

The insurgency led to the Vengpang massacre in 1955. Arson, loot, murder and intimidation of the civil servants increased. Meanwhile "the Naga Federal Government", was formed but it did not take off for a long time.

A Naga people’s convention was held at Kohima in 1957 and it demanded the setting up of a single unit after merging the Naga Hills district of Assam and the Tuensang Frontier division of NEFA.

Another convention held at Ungma in 1958 demanded the creation of a separate state of Nagaland. The third convention assumed significance as it accepted the demand for a separate state within the Indian Union and invited the underground Nagas to participate in it. Moreover, a general agreement to stop violent activities was concluded. The government permission was extended for free contact between the underground and the overground. The status of a full-fledged state was conferred in 1961. However the state of Nagaland was officially inaugurated only on December 1, 1963.

With this began an era of welfare activities, social and emotional upliftment and economic development of the tribal people. Under the five year Plans steps were taken to raise the standard of living, to better agricultural production, and improve health and educational facilities. For the intensification of programmes and activities, a special three-year-plan was launched. This does not suggest that the government did not make any worthwhile contribution for development of the area before the creation of a new state.

The future depends on how the government and the Nagas resolve problems and tackle issues. The author rightly points out that, "With the growth of material prosperity, there will be a cultural and spiritual renaissance." It should not remain a wishful thinking which will cost the nation dearly.

— Kuldip Kalia

Nationalism of this and that variety

Region, Religion, Caste, Gender and Culture in Contemporary India edited by T.V. Sathyamurthy. Oxford India Paperbacks, New Delhi. Pp. XVI+606. Rs 375.

THE project on "Social change and political discourse in India" dealing with power structures and resistance movements in Indian society, is a monumental work in four volumes. The task was accomplished with the painstaking efforts of the editor, T.V. Sathyamurthy, Professor of Politics, University of York, UK. Sathyamurthy was a political scientist of keen perception with a known commitment to progressive causes. His sudden demise in York is a serious loss to the academic world. He helped put together Economic and Political Weekly’s latest issue (August 29-September 4, 1998) on political economy on "The new Europe: contradictions and continuities" before he died.

The book under review, the third volume in the series, is mainly concerned with the dynamic role played by region, religion, caste, gender and culture as identity-markers amidst tensions and contradictions caused by social change in contemporary India. Sathyamurthy believes that academics have neglected the political processes and their ramifications in post-independent Indian state. His project involving not only academics from diverse disciplines but also political activists, fills this gap to a great extent.

Gautam Navlakha and Tilotama and Udyan Misra explore the theme of regionalisation of politics and the explosive nature of regional identities in Kashmir and North-East respectively.

Navlakha’s position on Kashmir issue is well known. He has been a consistent and trenchant critic of the government’s policy on Kashmir, with open sympathy for the regional aspirations of the people of the valley. In his view, in a multi-ethnic society like India, one major ethnic group seeks to dominate the state, giving rise to what he describes as "official nationalism". The regime of the Maharaja, in Navlakha’s opinion, was overtly communal in character. Discrimination against the Kashmiris, especially the Muslim population of the valley, was the hallmark of Dogra rule.

This historical wrong compounded by the many attempts of the Indian state to subvert the democratic process and rampant corruption in the local administration have led to a near-total alienation of the people of the valley from the Indian state.

The Misras in their well-researched piece analyse the causes and the course of three major movements for autonomy in the North-East: the Naga movement, the Karbi-Dimasa movement and the Bodo movement. The authors have cogently argued that the policy of the British as well as the present Indian government to treat the north-eastern region as a "colonial hinterland" and to systematically exploit the rich natural resources in order to build industries and commercial centres in other parts of the country has led to growing resentment in the politically conscious sections of the people.

"Thus, economic backwardness and displacement of the indigenous population from their traditional landholdings," affirm the Misras, "may be seen as two important factors contributing to the mass support which some of the autonomy movements of the North-East have been able to garner." A steady influx of the poor from Bangladesh into contiguous states in the North-East has added to the tension.

A cluster of five chapters deal with the politics of communalism in India. Sujata Patel examines the relationship between communalism and secularism. In Patel’s opinion the roots of the present crisis lie in the discourse of domination. Hinduism is being used as an instrument by the ruling classes to restrain the minority and low caste groups from acquiring their legitimate place in Indian society.

Mushirul Hasan examines the impact of the legacy of partition on the Muslims in India. He attributes the rising tide of communal forces from the 1960s onwards to "a sharpening of existing caste, class, and community cleavages", and to "the limitation of the secularist processes". He rightly disagrees with thinkers like Ashish Nandy who treat secularism as an import from the West grafted on a traditional society. The "secular" idea, in Hasan’s opinion, can be traced to the ancient Hindu and Buddhist texts, the bhakti movement, and the religio-cultural syncretism evolved by Akbar and Dara Shikoh.

Javed Alam’s piece on the rise and growth of the Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen in Hyderabad is a brilliant attempt to debunk the thesis propounded by Hindu communalists that the Muslim community is a monolith and Muslim communalism a pan-Indian phenomenon. In Alam’s opinion, there are a range of forms of Muslim communalism, each of which is region-specific and there is no such thing as Muslim communalism as a single variety. Muslim communalism is defensive in character and lacks a unifying ideology. A steep socio-economic decline suffered by the Muslims of Hyderabad after its incorporation into the Indian state, marked by abolition of jagirs, shrinkage of avenues for government jobs, migration of the Muslim elite to Pakistan and such other related factors, led to a feeling of persecution. The emergence of the Majlis was an offshoot of this objective condition.

"The ideology and politics of Hindutva" by Arun Patnaik and K.S.R.V.S. Chalam is another perceptive piece in the section on communalism. Hindutva as defined by V.D. Savarkar encompasses all those who regard India as their "pitrubhumi" (fatherland) and "punyabhumi" (holy land). This puts the Muslims, Christians and the Parsis outside the fold of Hindutva as their holy land lies outside India, though they may consider this country as their fatherland.

In practice Hindutva aims at appropriating non-Brahminical ideological currents developed since India’s post-vedic period — beginning with the emergence of Jainism and Buddhism and continuing into the 19th century which saw a number of religious reform movements. These trends preached universal brotherhood and posed a serious challenge to the divisive concept of "varnashramadharma" which is the essence of Hinduism.

Thus, Hindutva is an ideological construct of Hinduism, as correctly pointed out by the authors. It is a device to build Hindu society as a monolith by appropriating all diverse trends and smothering its pluralistic character, isolating, in the process, all those communities which do not fit into this paradigm.

The sections on caste and gender in the book are comparatively weak. Contributors on caste, especially D.L. Seth and Gail Omvedt, discuss different aspects of politics of reservation and the assertive content of caste politics as represented by numerous dalit organisations. Caste, along with communalism, is generally taken as a divisive force. There is a grain of truth in it. But caste can act as a liberating and regenerative force if it is used as an instrument to articulate the aspirations of those who have been oppressed for ages through the instrumentality of the caste system.

If there is one single factor in Indian society today which can foil the designs of those who wish to restore Brahminical hegemony to its pristine glory, it is the emergence of the oppressed castes as a potent political force. Unfortunately, this aspect is yet to receive due attention from analysts of the caste scenario in the country.

Indian feminists, exceptions apart, seem to be unduly suffering from a hangover of the women libertarian lore of the West. Perhaps, they can learn more from a man like Ram Manohar Lohia about the position of woman in the Hindu patriarchal social order. Kumkum Sangri’s attempt to deconstruct the Ramayana epic and relate her observations to Sadhvi Ritambhara’s rhetoric in the present context is refreshingly penetrating. But its impact is largely marred by the over-use of jargon and the language of western feminists.

The visual media is an important vehicle for expression of culture. Cinema has played a powerful role in the politics of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. M.S.S. Pandian’s excellent critique of M.G. Ramchandran’s films lays bare the filmi mystique. MGR as a film hero has been very popular with the general mass of Tamil Nadu, especially women. MGRis a subaltern hero who rescues women in distress and in the process the basic values of patriarchy are reaffirmed. The notion that women’s place is the home and the men’s the outer world is repeatedly stressed in his films. There is no attempt to understand the logic of the inequitous social system. There is always a neat but a contrived solution to social injustice.

S.V. Rajadurai and V. Geetha trace the history of DMK hegemony in Tamil Nadu politics achieved by fighting the battle in the terrain of culture and the limit it has reached now. This hegemony is rooted in the rationalist legacy of Periyar Ramaswami Naicker which has been distorted by his followers on their road to power. Periyar had no use for the innate glory and unique culture of any race, Aryan or Tamilian. What mattered to him most was caste oppression. His notion of "self-respect" was meant to inspire the oppressed to look the oppressor in the eye and say "no".

All this was distorted by his followers. They wove a mystique around "Tamilness" by investing it with the halo of "maanam" (honour) and innate glory and superiority of Tamil culture. Inversion of the Brahminical ideology with a vengeance! No wonder that today we find the imperious queen of Tamil Nadu politics in the company of the forces of Hindutva and see her occupying the seat on the right side of the Prime Minister at the meeting of the co-ordination committee of the ruling allies at the Centre.

The book under review is of immense value to both the scholar and lay observer of the Indian scene in its manifold complexity. It contains a rich fare of information, empirical data and flashes of insight from a galaxy of distinguished academics and social activists. The price of the four volumes in the series is beyond the reach of the cash-starved academics. The publishers have taken a merciful decision to bring out paperback editions.

— D. R. Chaudhry

He plays the been, but is a has-been

The Snake Charmer by Sanjay Nigam. Penguin, New Delhi. Pp. 223. Rs 200.

A MEDICAL researcher on the Harvard faculty, Sanjay Nigam tells the story of a snake charmer called Sonalal, his quest for love. Some of the quest is to obtain a hand-on, some of it concerns the search for a soul-satisfying love, and some of it is for bringing the magic back into his professional life. How much his search is for the one or for the other remains a mystery.

Sonalal is a middle-aged man married to a woman he does not love and the father of two sons, both of whom are embarrassed by their father being a snake charmer. He has a soul mate in a prostitute whom he visits often to find some meaning in life. She reciprocates his attentions in full measure, almost as if she loved him. Perhaps she does. She is the one who encourages him to see himself as a gifted artist, a professional who could move the world and create magic if he put his heart into it.

The story begins one evening at Delhi’s Humayun Tomb while charming his companion of 15 years, the snake Raju. Sonalal on his occasion plays such enchanting notes on his been that he feels touched by the gods. He himself is enraptured both over his music and Raju’s dancing. The crowd observing him includes foreign journalists, newly arrived in India to discover some of the mysteries of the subcontinent. They are thrilled at his been playing and the way Raju dances to his tunes. They tip him according to western standards, at the airport rate of exchange.

Money may not make the mare go, but it certainly does Sonalal’s wife. She enlivens her affections for her husband. But by now the charmer needs more than his fat wife to charm his appendages into action.

Meanwhile distracted at the sight of big bucks Sonalal hits a false note with his been. An enraged Raju bites Sonalal who bites him back. The snake had been defanged and his bite was not lethal. That of Sonalal divides the snake into two. That way Sonalal earns even more fame: "The charmer who bites his snake."

Already in the throes of a mid-life crisis, Sonalal becomes grief stricken at the death of his companion snake. He is afflicted with a guilt syndrome from which there seems no way out. His pursuit of redemption takes him to brothels, quacks, magicians and scientists. It also provides Nigam with the opportunity to discuss at great length the details of what men do when their manhood is unable to rise. The interesting thing about the story is that Nigam takes us through this entire rigmarole using rather common-place language and common place images.

Obviously the story was conceived before the little blue pill became the solution for mankind’s curious problems. Why should womankind be interested in the reproductive hassles of mankind and their psychological impact on a man is a question which continues to trouble me after reading this book. Quite clearly, the story will be more appreciated by those in search of information about the afflictions of Sonalal.

— Kavita Soni-Sharma

Little care of the little ones

The State of Pakistan’s Children by Samra Fayyazzuddin, Anees Jillani & Zarina Jillani. APH Publishing, New Delhi. Pp. 198. Rs 600.

"THE State of Pakistan’s Children", as is evident from the title , deals with a most important subject — namely the well-being of children who are the future citizens but, strangely enough, political leaders pay scant attention to their welfare. Pakistan is no exception, because political leaders are concerned solely with politico-economic and defence issues.

Although Pakistan is an Islamic state, the tenets of Islam do not guide the conduct of the people and their political leaders. Rampant corruption and a widening gulf between the rich and the poor have led to chaotic conditions for the have-nots. A large number of children find their way into the labour market, doing adult jobs for their sustenance and that of their families. Their future is bleak.

The authors say: "Weak legal action has failed to provide protection to children’s rights. There are laws for providing children with security from injustice, for compulsory education, regulating the employment of children and for restraining child marriage. Yet they are seldom enforced or mostly partially (enforced); they also fail to cover a large segment of the affected children. Lenient penalties make the laws ineffective."

The book is based on the findings of SPARC and is actually the first attempt of the non-profit organisation whose working is modelled on UNICEF. In the first chapter the book deals graphically with children’s rights and the steps taken to ensure their enforcement. The Pakistan Constitution does not make a distinction between a child and an adult but a child has no voice and the schools in the country have ceased to be instrumental in creating awareness among them.

There are shocking figures about sex abuse of male and female children. Health of children evokes least concern and physical disabilities and incurable diseases prey on children all over the country. Lack of safe drinking water, insufficient sanitation, substandard hygiene and environmental pollution are the major causes of child mortality. According to an estimate, 2.5 lakh children die of diarrhoea annually. Malnutrition is also a major problem.

The book says a majority of children work as non-wage earners — that is, they are part of a family hired as agricultural labour or a part of labour force. This is "a most dramatic" from of child exploitation. The authors plead for legislation to eliminate or regulate child labour and for making education compulsory. In 1994 SPARC endeavoured to bring about an amendment to the Constitution stipulating that no child below the age of 16 should be employed; but the proposal was defeated in the face of opposition by the Benazir Bhutto government.

In its final analysis, the book says a large chunk of the country’s budget goes to defence and another chunk to debt servicing, although "Pakistan has experienced a much higher level of economic growth than its neighbour India or Bangladesh". There is little left to spend on children’s well-being and to protect their rights. The book will be an eye-opener to Indian leaders as the conditions of children in India are similar.

— M. L. Sharma